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Project Overview
Immigration
from Mexico and Central America continues to alter the demographic
landscape of the U.S. Schools have been especially affected by Latino
immigration. This population of students poses particular challenges to
U.S. schools. Yet, we know very little about these students and their
parents. One area in need of investigation, and of particular interest
to us, has been families' educational values, goals, beliefs, and
aspirations related to children's learning and achievement. Some
writers and researchers have argued that differences, or
discontinuities, between the educational values and beliefs of Latinos
and the values and beliefs needed for success in U.S. schools are
responsible for these students' low levels of academic achievement.
Other authors also cite discontinuities in values or beliefs between
Latino families and schools, but interpret these discontinuities within
a framework of cultural differences not deficiencies. Still others
argue that Hispanic students and parents (as well as other groups
historically victimized by discrimination) develop attitudes and values
that are dysfunctional for optimal school achievement. These three
perspectives, different as they are, have at least one thing in common:
They attribute the difficulties Latino youngsters have in U.S. schools
to discrepancies, or discontinuities, between family values and beliefs
about schooling and the values and beliefs assumed to be important for
school success in this country--high aspirations for educational
attainment and a belief in the value of formal schooling for future
success and well-being.
But
are the educational values and beliefs of Latino immigrant families
entirely discordant with more mainstream U.S. values and beliefs, those
presumably espoused by the schools and necessary for school success? We
suspect not, and this skepticism provided a large part of the impetus
for the program of research we will describe here. Despite differences
in cultures and outlook, we have seen evidence of considerable
commonality between values and beliefs of Latino immigrant parents and
those of educators in our schools. Moreover, and despite clear attempts
to maintain links with their native cultures, we have seen evidence of
self-conscious attempts by immigrant parents to move away from the
educational values espoused by their parents and provide greater
educational opportunities for their children than they felt were
provided to them. This complex portrait of commonalities and
differences, continuities and discontinuities, is at the heart of our
longitudinal study.
Cultural
Models, Values, and Beliefs
One focus of
our research program has been parents' cultural models of learning and
their education-related values, beliefs, and actions (Goldenberg, 1987,
1988, 1989; Goldenberg, Reese, & Gallimore, 1992; Reese,
Balzano, Gallimore, & Goldenberg, 1995). We have presumed that,
like all cultural models (D'Andrade & Strauss, 1992), those
that guide family management of children's learning and education
represent a complex and interpenetrated set of assumptions and
dispositions. Although they may be experienced by individuals as
coherent and consistent, values and beliefs encoded in cultural models
do not necessarily appear to others as internally consistent, nor
consistently related to behavior (Strauss, 1992).
Similarly,
endorsing and talking about a cultural model for children's learning
and education does not always translate into parental actions that
might be predicted by a superficial analysis.In this chapter, we
detailed which beliefs encoded in our sample's cultural model of
learning and education they act on and some reasons why they do not act
on others. One significant implication of this analysis is its
usefulness for program design, such as finding ways to improve
home/school cooperation to promote student achievement. Knowing which
beliefs in their model of child learning and education are linked to
action provides a basis for designing programs that are more
sensitively fitted to the family's culture and more likely to work
effectively.
Our
studies have been guided by several questions about immigrant Latino
parents' educational values and beliefs: To what extent do immigrant
Latino parents value formal schooling for their children? What role do
they see formal education playing in their children's future lives and
well-being? To what extent is there discontinuity in values and beliefs
that might work against children's academic achievement (for example,
"low academic effort syndrome")? Alternatively, to what extent is there
continuity, or commonality, between parents' education-related values
and beliefs and values and beliefs that support school achievement?
What other discontinuities might exist that can interfere with these
children's school success?
Two
seemingly paradoxical themes weave their way through analyses carried
out as part of the longitudinal study. One theme is discontinuity
across generations and cultures; the other is continuity across
generations and cultures.
In some
important respects, the beliefs and attitudes of the families do differ
from that of the schools the children attend. These differences are
important. Differences in beliefs and attitudes and differences between
how children are socialized at home and taught at school can interfere
with students' school adaptation and performance (California State
Department of Education, 1986; Delgado-Gaitan & Trueba, 1991;
Jacob & Jordan,1987; Laosa, 1982). But in equally important
respects, there can be common features across school and family
cultures. These commonalities are perhaps just as important, since they
offer potential avenues for cooperation and mutual benefit.
Similarly,
the families represent important continuities with traditional
features--including values and attitudes--of their natal cultures. But
there are also important discontinuities, sometimes even self-conscious
attempts to break with the past and with the values and attitudes of
the older generation in the native country. Both continuity and
discontinuity across generations are part of the process of cultural
evolution, a complex dynamic that contributes to change and variability
within cultures (Chibnik, 1981; Edgerton, 1992). These
paradoxes--continuity and discontinuity across cultures and
generations--will defy attempts to reach simplistic and reductionistic
conclusions about parents' cultural models and the role they play in
children's schooling and achievement.
Our
motivation for studying the cultural models (values, beliefs, and
actions) of the Latino parents had a more pragmatic aim, although we
think the results are relevant to theory as well. We sought to discover
whether beliefs and values underpinning family actions provide a
foundation for productive school-home collaborations that could help
students succeed in school. We believe such a foundation has been
uncovered by more than a decade of longitudinal research with immigrant
Latino families, at least in the elementary school years (although it
might exist in high schools as well; Lucas, Henze, & Donato,
1990). In the case the of immigrant Latino families with whom we have
been in contact, this foundation consists:
1. Latino
immigrant families from Mexico and Central America express a deep and
abiding belief in formal education as a means toward social and
economic mobility and stability.
2. Immigrant
Latino parents want to be involved in their children's schooling, and
they express considerable satisfaction when teachers make efforts to
involve them in children's academic development; the possibility of
productive home-school collaboration for this population of students is
therefore considerable.
3. Parents'
views of what education--or in Spanish, educación--comprises is much
broader than formal schooling; it includes moral development and
familial responsibility.
4. Although
parents greatly value academic development in general and literacy
development in particular, children in immigrant families from Mexico
and Central America typically have relatively few experiences at home
that promote text-based literacy development as it is defined in school.
Also a part
of this foundation is the parents' conception of educacin, which
emphasizes good and respectful behavior, and staying on the right
path--being "well-educated"(bien educado) as well as well-schooled--,
although it is of a different order. Teachers with whom we have worked
often comment (sometimes disparagingly) that Latino parents appear more
interested in their children's comportment than their cognitive
achievement. Our interviews reveal that this might well be true, but
one of the reasons is that parents see good and proper behavior as the
basis for academic and cognitive advance. Thus parents' emphasis on
comportment and the schools' (at least overt) emphasis on academic
learning complement, rather than conflict with, each other.
In contrast,
parents' de-emphasis of pre-school academic learning opportunities in
the home (both because literacy is not a fundamental activity for most
families' economic activities and because parents emphasize morals and
comportment in their socialization practices) translates into a
relative scarcity of text-based literacy experiences for these children
before they begin school. This leads to a fundamental discontinuity
between schools and immigrant Latino homes, since when children begin
school, even kindergarten, one of the main items on the agenda is to
begin promoting literacy skills. Although literacy is not
absent--families write and receive letters; ads, printed matter, and
environmental print are often present; parents and older siblings do
read, particularly if they are in school--the relatively little
emphasis on literacy, or "emergent literacy," during the preschool
years put Latino youngsters at risk for underachievement. However, as
soon as children begin school, and learning literacy becomes an
important goal, we see parents playing a more active role in helping
children academically, particularly if parents receive encouragement
and assistance from children's teachers.
The Latino
parents' cultural models or schemas related to schooling and
achievement thus present a mixed picture. On the one hand, values and
practices exist that are at least complementary and at best fully
compatible (even congruent) with school values. On the other hand,
there are clear differences. In much of the current literature, there
is a tendency for observers to feature the differences as the principal
issue and to take one of three positions: Some argue success in U.S.
schools will come only as immigrant families leave behind their
"different" values that were adaptive in more traditional,
non-technological contexts and adopt those of the academic occupational
model. Others argue that for these children to succeed, schools must
accommodate to differences in values, learning styles, and children's
home experiences. Yet others contend that differences in U.S.
opportunity structures mean that Latinos and other disenfranchised
groups will inevitably devalue formal schooling as an avenue for social
and economic mobility.
Our findings
suggest a different interpretation. To the extent that the cultural
schema we have described have motivational force, that is, they
function as goals and instigate action (D'Andrade, 1992), there are
commonalities that the Latino families and the schools share, which
provide avenues for home-school collaboration. We cannot generalize to
other groups, but we hypothesize that significant commonalities exist
between the schools and those for whom the schools have not worked well.
Our examples
and analyses raise an intriguing possibility: Is accommodating to
culturally different children mainly a matter of making fundamental
changes in teaching, staffing, or curriculum? Or can we also
accommodate to culturally different children by recognizing
similarities and consistencies, as well as differences and
discontinuities, across cultures? We suggest that cultural
accommodation cuts both ways--making changes if needed but recognizing
similarities when they exist. Ignoring one over the other is not in the
best interest of children or families. As we confront the challenges
posed by this most recent wave of immigrants to the United States,
educators must be aware of discontinuities that must be skillfully and
sensitively handled. But they must be equally sensitive to what the
families, children, teachers, and administrators share.
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Findings
to Date
The
effect of school performance on parents' and children's educational
expectations and aspirations
Questions:
Do the patterns we have documented of increasing correlation between
child's school adjustment and parental expectations continue? Do
parents also begin adjusting their aspirations to reflect clear
patterns of school adaptation so that aspirations become increasingly
correlated with achievement? Do child expectations show the same
pattern, suggesting that they too adjust their expectations and
aspirations in response to achievement? Do the correlations with
performance continue to increase over time?
Hypotheses:
We expected that the answers are yes, particularly with respect to
expectations. We hypothesized that as children proceed through school
and begin to demonstrate clear patterns of achievement and interest,
they and their parents would form clearer pictures of likely
educational outcomes. We also thought it possible that aspirations
would be affected, as parents and children seek to reduce the
dissonance between what they hope will happen and what they think is
likely.
Findings:
At the beginning of kindergarten, there was no relationship between
children's school performance (as measured by teacher ratings and test
performance) and parents' aspirations and expectations. Parents
aspirations continue, for the most part, to be unrelated to children's
achievement throughout elementary school. However, by the end of first
grade, teacher ratings of child performance were significantly
correlated with parents' expectations the following fall (the beginning
of second grade). This pattern is repeated in second, fourth, and fifth
grades. In addition, in 4th grade, expectations are significantly
associated with both math and reading test scores, and significantly
correlated with math scores in 5Th grade.
Although
children's achievement and parents' expectations are unrelated in
kindergarten, over the course of the elementary grades parents'
expectations become increasingly linked to how well children are doing
in school. This association is in strong contrast to aspirations, which
appear almost entirely independent of student achievement. Parents
aspire to high levels of formal schooling, no matter how their children
are doing academically. Parents expect more or less formal schooling,
and this expectation is somehow related to how well their child is
achieving (Goldenberg, Gallimore, Reese & Garnier, 1998, under
review).
Effects
of expectations/aspirations and their mediation by family routines and
settings.
Questions:
Given that child school performance influences parents' educational
expectations and perhaps aspirations, do these expectations and
aspirations then influence routines and settings in the home that are
related to subsequent school performance? What are these routines and
settings, and what are their effects?
Hypotheses:
One assumption is that high expectations lead to routines, settings,
and interactions that support good, or enhanced performance; lower
expectations are assumed to lead to routines, settings, and
interactions that further depress achievement. But we predicted the
dynamics of expectancy effects are more complex, even paradoxical in
some cases. We expected that activity settings in the home (e.g.,
whether adults talk with children about the future, whether they
organize or supervise learning activities or other recreational time
outside of school) will mediate expectations (and aspirations) and
children's ongoing and subsequent school adaptation.
Findings:
We did not uncover evidence of direct effects of reported expectations
on home activities or vice versa (see Goldenberg, et al., 1998, under
review).
The
effects of socio-cultural factors on parents' and children's
aspirations and expectations.
Questions:
Aside from the child's school performance, what are the effects of
other factors on parents' and children's assessments of children's
future prospects? Specifically, what are the effects of older siblings,
family economic resources, perceived dangers of the environment, the
influence of peers, and their perceptions of discrimination and a job
ceiling?
Hypotheses:
We expected the school performance and experiences of older siblings to
play an increasing role in affecting parental expectations. We
predicted a correlation between parents' assessments of their child's
peer group (i.e., the extent to which it constitutes a positive or
negative influence) and parents' views of their child's future
prospects. We expected to see, for example, in response to the
perceived risks of drugs, gangs, and other influences, signs of lowered
parental expectations, at least for some portion of our sample. In
contrast, consistent with our current findings, we did not expect to
see perceptions of discrimination and job ceiling influencing
aspirations and expectations.
Findings:
Since parents indicated substantial variability in length of US
residence (for 81 mothers, mean years = 9.9; s.d.=5.4; range=1-27; for
77 fathers, mean years=11.7; s.d.=5.1; range=1-21), we could test the
hypotheses that the longer they had been in this country, the lower
their aspirations and expectations for children's educational
attainment would be and the less likely would they be to consider
formal schooling a viable means of social and economic mobility. We
found no evidence to support either proposition at any grade level-from
pre-kindergarten to grade 6--between years in the U.S. and expectations
for the larger N of 81. Using only those cases that stated an
expectation, we also found no correlation between expectations and
years in the U.S. In addition, there was no correlation between
parents' educational aspirations and the average number of mothers' and
fathers' years in U.S.
The direct
assessment of recent discrimination experiences obtained in the Spring
of the child's fifth grade year (Ecocultural Family Interview carried
out in Year 1 of the current study cycle) indicated only eight percent
of parents reporting discrimination was a significant factor affecting
the family or children. Ninety-two per cent of responses indicated
discrimination was not a dominant theme nor that their children's
experiencing discrimination was a major concern (20% of responses
indicated 'moderate' concerns regarding discrimination, and 72% of
responses were rated as 'low' in experiences with or concern regarding
discrimination). Parent reports of discrimination were unrelated to
years in the U.S. (r = -.11) or years parents' were educated in U.S.
schools (r = .04 and r = .01 for mothers and fathers respectively). Nor
were reports of discrimination related to parent expectations.
Formal
education, for both occupational advancement and personal growth,
receives such uniform endorsement among families in our sample that we
have identified it as a cultural schema (the estudios schema) or model
of how the world is perceived to work (Reese et al., 1995). Regardless
of years in the US, parents see a strong positive value to formal
schooling, and they want their children to get as much of it as
possible. This appears to explain their high, consistent, and certain
aspirations throughout children's elementary years.
Rather than
producing a direct effect on the lowering or raising of parental
expectations, ecocultural factors such as job instability and gang
influences contribute to the reluctance of some parents to state an
expected level of achievement for their child. Although an extremely
small number of parents responded "no s"' ("I don't know") to the
aspirations question, more parents (from 6% to 26% over the years) gave
this answer when asked to state an expectation for their children's
eventual school attainment. High aspirations-parents' hopes and dreams
for how well their children will do in school and in life-were often
accompanied by the belief that, whatever one may desire for one's
child, the children themselves ultimately make the choice about the
road their lives will take. Parents reported that this child choice
included decisions about peer group association, boyfriends or
girlfriends, and academic motivation.
Mediation
of effects by family routines and settings.
Questions:
What will be the effects of the ecocultural factors identified in on
family routines and activity settings? How will these routines and
settings influence students' school adaptation and parents' and
students' expectations and aspirations for future achievement?
Hypotheses:
We expected that the ecocultural factors identified in 2a will
influence activity settings and routines in the home. These, in turn,
would influence students' subsequent achievement and their and their
parents' expectations and aspirations.
Findings:
A major factor influencing the choice of parent strategies and
activities has been found over the years to be the dangerous
neighborhood environments in which families live and educate their
children. Families are confronted with very real dangers in the form of
gang activity, gunfire, and drug sales in their immediate
neighborhoods. In addition, the cultural schema of 'la calle' --the
street-reinforces the idea that the street and neighborhood are
inherently dangerous, while the educacin' schema fosters respect for
and obedience to parents. So it is not surprising that a common
response among our parents is that of closely monitoring their
children's friendships in order to protect children from gangs and
malas amistades (bad friendships).
The parental
strategy of tight monitoring and restriction can be considered a
reasonable response to a dangerous environment, and most of the
students whose parents exercise tight control seemed to understand why
they do it and go along with the parents' decisions. We have identified
three groups: restrictive parents, restrictive/co-constructor, and
permissive parents (Reese, Kroesen, & Gallimore, 1998, in
press). The "restrictive" parents are very restrictive in terms of
friendships and activities, keeping their children close to home and
either not allowing or not encouraging them to participate in
extra-curricular activities. The "restrictive" parents see their tight
discipline as the means of keeping their children away from bad
influences of peers and concentrating on their studies. However, these
children are not among the higher achievers in our sample. They attend
school regularly, do their homework, participate in chores and family
activities, but they are not doing particularly well in class. These
students, most of whom are girls, have not lost interest in school and
follow through with homework and assignments, but their grades and
class performance do not appear to be strong enough to carry them
beyond high school.
By way of
contrast, the more successful children in our sample tend to be the
ones whose parents are restrictive but co-construct with their children
alternatives settings in which they can participate. These
co-constructor parents still closely monitor children's' activities,
and are restrictive to some extent. However, children in these families
make choices in concert with their parents that express both of child
agency and parents desire to monitor their children. Parents often
participate in the activities of their children, such as coaching a
son's soccer team or attending a band concert. The more successful
children also report spending more time on homework and on school
projects.
The
permissive group (all boys at this point) go out with friends with or
without parent permission. Mothers allow, or fail to deny, them greater
geographical freedom than the other children experience, and they go
alone or with friends to the mall, to the arcade, out bike riding, or
fishing. Their parents are not ideologically permissive; they express
the same values that other parents in the study express about
obedience, respect, and the need for schooling. Yet in practice they
are less skilled at helping their children structure their choices. At
this point in our study this "permissive" group of parents consists of
boys whose fathers are absent, or usually absent. In part because of
this absence, their mothers often feel that they cannot control the
boys' behavior. On an "agency scale" these boys would be rated high;
however, since they are only very loosely monitored by their parents,
they tend to make choices that are detrimental to school achievement.
They sometimes do their homework, but often they choose not to. They
tend to choose to participate at a very minimal level in class as well,
completing little classwork in the allotted time and not participating
in discussions. At this time these boys are not delinquent. We have
detected no illicit activities and virtually no overt hostility to
authority. They are simply not engaged in school.
Gender
Differences. These findings regarding parenting styles indicate that
Latino immigrant parents tend to structure activities for their
adolescent boys and girls differently. Thus, we would expect to find
gender differences for Latino youth in terms of factors associated with
underachievement and unfavorable outcomes, with some factors being more
predictive of lower performance for boys and other factors for girls.
Gender differences emerged quite clearly in the analysis of parenting
styles. Seven of the nine girls (78 per cent) were classified in the
restrictive group, compared to four of 12 boys. If we combine the 3
boys in the permissive group with the five boys in the co-constructive
groups, 8 of the 12 boys (67 percent) were in homes characterized by
the least restrictive parenting patterns we observed. By comparison, 78
and 22 percent of the girls, respectively, were classified in the most
and least restricted patterns.
We analyzed
gender differences using a sample of students (n= 81) for whom complete
test score and teacher ratings were available. Performance data were
missing for some students at some grade levels because the children
changed schools and data were not obtained for various reasons. Girls
(n=36) outperformed boys (n= 45) on standardized tests of both reading
and math throughout elementary school. These differences were
significant for reading in grade 2 (p<.05) and in grade 5
(p<.05), and for math in grade 4 (p<.05) and grade 5
(p<.01). By grade 5, means for girls and boys in reading were 40
and 25.8 respectively, and in math were 53.2 and 39.4 respectively.
Teachers also rated girls higher than boys throughout elementary
school, with the exception of grade 4, when ratings were equivalent.
Differences were significant at entrance to kindergarten, in grades 1,
2 and 5.
The
Stability and Predictive Value of Protective/Risk Factors for School
Adaptation, Achievement, and Persistence.
Questions:
All of the following factors emerged and showed suggestive or
documented association with student success in school: multiple uses of
literacy, home literacy experiences of children, familiarity of family
members with the university system, father involvement in literacy at
work and home, parent-child discussions of the future, the presence of
successful older siblings in the family ; participation in church
activities, and commitment to/implementation of educación values. Do
these factors continue to function as protective?
Another
potential protective factor is early literacy development, i.e. level
of reading achievement in early grades. Are the children who did well
in reading early on and who had higher initial ratings on home literacy
environment the same ones who continue to do well at the end of
elementary school (5Th grade) and the end of middle school (8Th grade)?
Hypotheses:
We predicted that a variety of protective factors would be associated
with differential school achievement and adaptation, and that some
factors would arise and fade depending on the age of the child. We
predicted that students who learn to read in grades kindergarten
through 4 would continue to have an advantage in middle-school
adaptation and would be more likely to make it into high-school.
Findings:
The continuing correlation of initial literacy development, as measured
by a variety of individually administered assessments of early literacy
at the beginning of kindergarten and before formal literacy instruction
at school, with reading achievement is one of the most robust
correlations of the current study. Correlations of .34 (p<.002)
in grade 1 rise to .4 (p<.003) by the end of grade 5 and .47
(p<.0001) by the end of grade 7. This illustrates the tremendous
importance and protective value of home literacy environments and
practices in the years before the child enters school. Similarly, some
familiarity with English upon entering kindergarten (as measured by the
Bilingual Syntax Measure) also predicts reading achievement in grade 5
(.63, p<.0001) and somewhat less so in grade 7 (.49,
p<.0001).
In analyses
carried out during the students' first grade year, fathers'
job-required literacy was the only ecocultural feature which correlated
significantly with test scores; parent education, occupational status,
and parents' length of time in the U.S. were not significantly
correlated with performance (Gallimore, Reese, Balzano, Benson
& Goldenberg, 1991). Further analyses indicated that the
fieldworkers' rating of "general home literacy environment" was highly
correlated with both job-related father literacy (.67, p<.0001)
and father's education (.63, p<.0006). In turn, the home
literacy environment was correlated with individually administered
measures of early literacy (POSTFACT) at the end of kindergarten (.45,
p<.01) and also with teacher ratings of student academic
performance at the end of kindergarten (.53, p<.01) (Gallimore
et al., 1991). In addition, children's early literacy performance (as
measured when they entered kindergarten on PREFACT) continues to show
robust correlations with performance through middle school with reading
national percentile scores (.47, p<0001) and with math
percentile scores (.31, p<.01). However, parent reports of help
with homework have not been found to be correlated with achievement.
The
Dynamics of Protective Factors & Emergence of New Risks and
Protective Factors in Middle-childhood
Questions:
How is it some families implement their educacin values and others do
not? What proactive steps do families take to implement these values?
What proactivity or family accommodations are reported by the families
to specifically or partly deal with the threats of the urban
environment such as gangs, drugs, violence, pressures that take away
from attention to school work, etc. Do the accommodations reports
correlate with student achievement and/or school adaptation? Do the
values stressed by the families and associated with success change in
response to the increased stress and perceived problematic nature of
the middle school environment?
Hypothesis:
We expected to find that some parents proactively shape some of the
experiences of their children in ways that accommodate both ecological
presses and their cultural values.
Findings:
As described above, variability in performance is associated with
variations in parenting styles and patterns of youth agency, with
higher achieving students engaging in a variety of activities in which
they had the opportunity to exercise choice and agency under the
guidance or with the participation of their parents. Students whose
activities and friendships were more strictly restricted, in response
to the dangers of the high-crime neighborhoods in which they live, were
not observed to do as well in school.
We also
addressed the question of why some families are observed to engage in
the co-construction of activities which support academic success and
others are less likely or able to do so. Our findings suggest several
factors that appear to be at work. In some families, although they
endorse traditional values (Reese, et al., 1995a), parents are unable
to exercise the degree of control over their children's activities
sufficient to implement their values. The families for whom this is
true in our sample are those in which fathers are absent and/or heavy
users of alcohol and mothers are unsupported in their efforts to guide
their adolescent sons. In addition, parental strategies are related to
the gender of the child, with girls tending to receive stricter
limitations on their activities and friendships than boys do.
Lastly, we
have observed that families' strategies appear to be linked with the
parents' level of education: families in the "co-construction" category
have higher levels of mother's schooling than those in the
"restrictive" category, who in turn have higher levels than those in
the "permissive" category. In the co-construction category, 86% of the
parents had finished secundaria (grade 9 in Latin America) or high
school, while in the restrictive category 64% of the parents had
finished primaria (grade 6) or less. Although for our longitudinal
sample parental level of schooling is not directly correlated with
children's achievement (due to the restricted range of the education),
parents' educational background may exercise its effects indirectly
through construction of activities in the daily routine.
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